At that time the bidding process for the concession had been declared void by the Supreme Court in response to a legal challenge by the municipality of Cochabamba. When police brought tear gas and rubber bullets, protestors brought rocks and Molotov cocktails. For other water conflicts, see War over Water. When the auction drew only one bidder, the government signed water resources over in a year concession to Aguas del Tunari, a foreign-led consortium of private investors dominated by the Bechtel Corporation. When no sitting judge would hear the case against Captain Robinson Iriarte, it was transferred to a military tribunal that had final jurisdiction over which cases it hears. Also, on April 9th , striking police officers fired tear gas at soldiers to which the soldiers then fired their weapons in the air. La Coordinadora symbolically burned stacks of unpaid bills in front of the Aguas del Tunari offices.
Six people were killed. An alternative, the Corani project , would have supplied water to Cochambamba from an existing dam. At first, local professionals and peasant irrigation farmers called public meetings, but the government paid them little attention. However, the occupation did not remain non-violent, as many demonstrators came armed with bricks and stones, which they threw at police and soldiers. The World Bank acknowledges that it provided assistance to prepare a concession contract for Cochabamba in
Then, as word of impending price hikes and expropriations spread, concerned groups grew to include water cooperatives, neighborhood associations, and labor unions.
Nevertheless, frightened businessmen and politicians asked for soldiers. At that time the bidding process for the concession had been declared void by the Supreme Court in response to a legal challenge by the municipality of Cochabamba. Water nowadays is available only four hours a day and no new households have been connected to the supply network. Their mandate is to develop a water system that relies upon Banzer also banning gatherings of neither the government nor transnationalmore than four people and severely limited corporations.
Bolivians end foreign-owned water privatization in Cochabamba ‘Water War’, 2000
At an open town meeting, it gave the government a deadline of January 11th to end the contract, repeal Lawand reverse the rate hikes, and pledged an indefinite blockade of regional highways and roads if changes did not come. Peasants manned barricades to seal off roads to the city.
In a special session on 11 April the law was changed. Inwith hyperinflation at an annual rate of 25 thousand percent, few foreign investors would do business in the country. The World Bank thus was not included any more in the subsequent phase of the privatization.
Demonstrationsreferendumroad blockades, riots. Individuals took wounded protestors in their homes to nurse them. Over the course of two days, soldiers and police injured demonstrators and blinded two. He said that “These protests [were] a conspiracy financed by cocaine trafficking looking for pretexts to carry out subversive activities.
It was justified through its benefits for hydropower generation and irrigation in addition to potable water supply for Cochabamba.
The New Yorker reports “in Cochabamba, those who are not on the network and who have no well, pay ten times as much for their water as the relatively wealthy residents who are hooked up”, and with no new capital the situation can not be improved.
The government responded by essentially ignoring the demonstration, and refusing to send out soldiers and police.
Water Privatization Case Study: Cochabamba, Bolivia Pages 1 – 4 – Text Version | FlipHTML5
The World Bank said that “poor governments are often too plagued by local corruption and too ill equipped to, the World Bank stated that “no subsidies should be given to ameliorate the increase in water tariffs in Cochabamba”. As people again moved to occupy the plaza, young people donned gloves to throw back gas canisters and string barbed wire across streets.
To many the law appeared to give a monopoly to Aguas del Tunari over all water resources. Olivera, a long-time In the Strikes, roadblocks and other labor leader, theBolivian government meeting was a set-up.
Cochabamba, Bolivia In February and March ofprotests broke out inCochabamba, Bolivia, in response to the skyrocketing price ofwater. Archived bolivua the original on 29 September The coca growers of Bolivia led by then-Congressman Evo Morales later elected Booivia of Bolivia in December had joined the demonstrators and were demanding an end to the United States -sponsored program of coca eradication of their crops while coca leaf can be heavily refined and made into cocaine it is used legally by many clchabamba Bolivia for teas and for chewing.
A complaint filed by foreign investors was resolved by agreement in February The government signed an agreement promising to take 3 months to consider revising the privatization contract and water law.
Cochabamba Water War – Wikipedia
Whether a case deserves a tag has to do with whether the practice is innovative in terms of time and place. In the name of economic efficiency, privatization argue that the private sectorthe World Bank and IMF have pushed the can deliver basic goods and services moreBolivian government to sell its public enter- efficiently and at lower costs than the publicprises to international investors. However, arrests and sedition charges galvanized people such that 40, people came out on the third day.
International Labor and Working Class, Inc. The wave of demonstrations and police violence was described as a public uprising against water prices.
The World Bank acknowledges that it provided assistance to prepare a concession contract for Cochabamba in Many provided water and relief from tear gas. To get a quorum to amend the law the government even rented planes to fly legislators back to the capital. On the day of la toma, columns of marchers formed at cardinal points in Cochabamba privatiaztion prepared to march to the main plaza.